Download e-book Glenn Becks Common Sense: The Case Against an Ouf-of-Control Government, Inspired by Thomas Paine

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It is the only time this phrase appears in the Bill of Rights. History has proven that guns are essential to self-defense and liberty—but tragedy is a powerful force and has led many to believe that guns are the enemy, that the Second Amendment is outdated, and that more restrictions or outright bans on firearms will somehow solve everything.

What Glenn Beck Doesn’t Know About His Hero Thomas Paine – ThinkProgress

They are wrong. Mass shootings are becoming more common Backed by hundreds of sources, this handbook gives everyone who cares about the Second Amendment the indisputable facts they need to reclaim the debate, defeat the fear, and take back their natural rights. How did we get into this mess? Few of us have ever seen the whole picture, and politicians have done everything in their power to hide the truth. After all, this generation may not be asked to storm beaches, but we are being asked to do something just as critical to preserving freedom.

And, these days, it seems like everyone has an agenda. The media leads with stories that rate over those that matter.


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Politicians put lobbyists and electability over honesty. Radicals alter history in order to change the future. In Cowards, Glenn Beck exposes the truth about thirteen important issues that have been hijacked by deceit. Whether out of spite, greed, or fear, these are the things that no one seems to be willing to have an honest conversation about. More by Glenn Beck. Idiots Unplugged.

Glenn Beck, host of a nationally syndicated radio program and a television show on Fox News and the 1 bestselling author of Arguing with Idiots, Common Sense, and The Christmas Sweater, finds himself in those debates all the time—and now you can hear how he wins them every time. America's March to Socialism: Why we're one step closer to giant missile parades. Only on Audio! One small step toward big government, one giant leap toward missile parades Now, in this audio exclusive, unavailable in any other format, America's March To Socialism collects over an hour of the most memorable, insightful and controversial of these segments into an audio program that will inspire the ever-expanding base who know Beck from his phenomenally successful radio and television series and his 1 bestselling books.

From massive government spending to media declarations of the death of capitalism, Glenn Beck hears the sounds of boots marching America toward a system of government that bears a closer resemblance to socialism with each passing day. To document this, he focuses on stories that range from the headlines - irresponsible stimulus spending, greenhouse gas cap-and-trade programs, instant unionization efforts - to more obscure local stories that might otherwise be overlooked, such as Chicago's out-of-towners tax, and Connecticut's attempt to undermine the authority of the Catholic Church.

He also provides snapshots of the encroaching progress of socialistic programs from around the world, railing against the Europeans' call for a global New Deal. A visionary, provocative call to action, as timely and courageous as his 1 blockbuster An Inconvenient Book, America's March To Socialism presents Glenn Beck at his absolute, irreverent and authoritative best. Similar audiobooks. The 1 New York Times bestselling author and nationally syndicated radio host offers a unique spin on the life and legacy of founding father George Washington.

This is the amazing true story of a real-life superhero who wore no cape and possessed no special powers—yet changed the world forever. His life reads as if it were torn from the pages of an action novel: Bullet holes through his clothing. Horses shot out from under him. Unimaginable hardship. Spies and double-agents. And while we celebrate his great heroism and character, we discover he was also a flawed man.

Understanding the very human way he turned himself from an uneducated farmer into the Indispensable yet imperfect Man is the only way to build a new generation of George Washingtons who can take on the extraordinary challenges that America is once again facing. Hyeonseo Lee. Ted Koppel.

Glenn Beck's Common Sense, The Case Against an Out-of-Control Government

Imagine a blackout lasting not days, but weeks or months. Tens of millions of people over several states are affected. For those without access to a generator, there is no running water, no sewage, no refrigeration or light. Food and medical supplies are dwindling. Devices we rely on have gone dark.

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Banks no longer function, looting is widespread, and law and order are being tested as never before. Several nations hostile to the United States could launch such an assault at any time. In fact, as a former chief scientist of the NSA reveals, China and Russia have already penetrated the grid. The current Secretary of Homeland Security suggests keeping a battery-powered radio. In the absence of a government plan, some individuals and communities have taken matters into their own hands. Not everyone was convinced by its argument, however. Later that same year, loyalist Lt. The Revolutionary War thus began with dual acts of excommunication from the ranks of common sense, showing with vivid clarity that the concept was originally devoid of content, merely expressing the desire of one party in a dispute to claim as much popular support as possible for his side.

The Paine-Chalmers debate was the first in a seemingly endless series of rancorous clashes in the early republic over contradictory appeals to common sense. By the mid-nineteenth century, these clashes increasingly focused on the issue of slavery and Southern Secession from the Union. Yet the view from the Southern states was, quite naturally, the reverse.

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While politicians and editorialists throughout the rest of the nineteenth century continued to employ the empty rhetoric of common sense, a group of Protestant theologians worked to provide the concept with some content. Drawing on the Scottish tradition of Common Sense philosophy—which asserted that commonly held opinions are our most trustworthy guide to truth—writers connected to the Princeton Theological Seminary naively suggested that spontaneous universal concord on every matter of moral, scientific, and spiritual significance should be possible.

Men and women need only open their eyes to apprehend directly the timeless, objective, self-evident truth about all things: God, nature, right and wrong. For these theologians, the very idea of a genuine as opposed to a spurious conflict between reason and faith, science and religion—let alone between opposing political views—began to seem inconceivable. They thus tended to trace disagreements to defects in the mind or morals of whomever dissented from prevailing religious, scientific, social, cultural, or political opinion.

Maybe the dissenter had succumbed to the sin of pride, which led him astray. Or perhaps he made an innocent error of reasoning, or got caught up in futile metaphysical speculation. And then there was the most ominous possibility—that he was seduced by unbelief or false religion. Whatever the case, the disagreement was assumed to flow not from the intrinsic complexity of either the world or the nature of the mind but rather from an accidental failing rooted in a particular individual or group—a defect that could potentially be removed, thus restoring the inevitability of universal agreement based on self-evident common sense.

And yet by the turn of the century, whatever cultural, moral, and religious consensus prevailed in the United States seemed to be collapsing on multiple fronts. At the same time, industrialization was transforming American life in unpredictable ways, disrupting small-town life, driving the young to seek their fortunes in those same cities, exposing them to unimaginable moral temptations and objectionable ideas. Meanwhile, the nations schools were beginning to introduce Christian children to disturbing new unbiblical theories about the origins of the human race.

For many, the suggestion that human beings evolved from apes sounded both morally monstrous and fundamentally unscientific—a form of demonic speculation wholly divorced from a properly commonsensical study of the natural facts. The political and cultural history of the American twentieth century was shaped in countless ways by two movements that arose in direct reaction to these destabilizing trends: populism in politics and fundamentalism in religion.


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  • These were the views of those who lived in small, homogeneous agricultural communities and who believed their way of life to be under assault by the decadence and corruption of urban economic and political elites. That explosion took place in the decade following the Second World War, with the paranoid anti-communist crusade of Joseph McCarthy. The Republican senator from Wisconsin may have overreached in his efforts to root out Communists and thereby turned himself into a one of the most reviled figures in American political history, but he also unintentionally managed to unleash a wildly influential style of politics.

    It has inspired the racist rantings of George Wallace and countless other opponents of segregation and black civil rights. And it has empowered the religious right in its ongoing efforts to turn back the secular drift of American society and culture since the s. All of these sundry projects grew out of McCarthyism, and all of them understand themselves to be championing the common sense of the American people against the machinations of corrupt and decadent elites.

    The McCarthyite style of invoking common sense entered the American political mainstream at the very moment when McCarthy himself was on the verge of self-destruction. Dwight D. Eisenhower was a moderate Republican, yet he learned something important from the Wisconsin senator about the uses of populist appeals. But it was Ronald Reagan who took the appeal to common sense to a whole new level in American politics—combining with greater skill than anyone before him a rhetoric of populism with the conviction that his agenda was self-evidently right.

    In his two terms as president, Reagan frequently portrayed his crusades in favor of cutting taxes and increasing spending on national defense as expressions of the common sense of the American majority.